It is difficult to imagine that such highly placed actors — among whom we also see the President’s counsellor on foreign policy, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, highly placed officials of the special services, and elite managers from the scientific community — did not know the nature of the editorial board of the organ they had chosen to join. Consequently, this group, which united those closest to Putin with ardent members of the opposition, was consciously formed on a pro-American, thalassocratic, liberal, globalist, and Atlanticist basis. After this, it is not surprising that Putin’s Eurasian and tellurocratic policy did not receive a fitting and consistent formulation: the American network of agents of influence, which reached to the heights of Russia’s authorities, immediately extinguished any attempt to develop Putin’s actions to the level of a system or to fix its logic as a program, project, doctrine, or strategy.
And again, the manager responsible for domestic policy in the President’s administration, Vladislav Surkov, played the key role in ensuring that no serious steps toward the creation of such a strategy took place, and were instead replaced by empty tricks of political manipulation. Being very experienced in such techniques and understanding how information and image strategies work, he single-handedly established a political system in Russia in which everything was knowingly based on postmodern paradoxes, on the conscious entanglement of all political forces, and on hybrid crosses of patriotic elements with liberal-Western ones.
We can raise the question: were Surkov and the highly placed Russian bureaucrats of the first tier acting independently when they supported Atlanticism and the consistent sabotage of the development of a real strategy? Instead, there were only caricatures and vapid public relations events in the spirit of Strategy 20202 or the pompous and pointless forums held under the aegis of “United Russia.”3 Or did Putin consciously veil his reforms behind the smokescreen of an endless sequence of pointless and contradictory pronouncements and actions, confusing both his enemies and his friends? We cannot answer this question today, since time must pass for many things to become clear. We cannot rule out that this was his policy for the disinformation of the adversary (Atlanticism, the USA, globalism) and had been intended to divert attention while he latently undertook a series of concrete steps directed toward securing Russia’s might, accumulating its resources, and consolidating its energy management and major economic policies. But we are probably dealing with a case of the planned sabotage of Putin’s Eurasian initiatives by Atlanticism’s agents of influence, retained at the upper levels of power and at the head of the highest institutions of learning from the time of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, when orientation toward the West and to the unipolar world was the official policy of the Russian government.
The fact that Putin’s strategy did not receive its proper formulation, while the influence of the pro-American, liberal, thalassocratic networks were not ended and were preserved in full measure during Putin’s rule, should be stated as an empirical fact and an important circumstance in the general geopolitical evaluation of his governance.
Besides the editorial committee of the journal Russia in Global Affairs, the most influential experts of an openly Atlanticist persuasion (in part overlapping the membership of its editorial committee) made up the basis of the intellectual club “Valdai,”4 with whom Putin, and later his successor, Medvedev, regularly met. The peculiarity of this group is that American and European experts were included side by side with Russian agents of influence, including a group of figures who had a direct and manifest relation to American intelligence agencies; in particular, A. Cohen,5 A. Kuchins,6 C. Kupchan,7 and F. Hill.8
1 Vladislav Surkov (b. 1964) was First Deputy of the Presidential Administration from 1999 until 2011, and is regarded as the chief ideologue and architect of the Russian political system as it exists today.—Ed.
2 A long-term plan for Russia’s economic development.—Ed.
3 United Russia is currently the largest political party in Russia, and is the party of Putin.—Ed.
4 The Valdai International Discussion Club was founded in 2004 to provide a forum for international experts to gather and discuss the future of Russia.—Ed.
5 A senior researcher at the American “Heritage Foundation,” specializing in the study of Russia, Eurasia, and international energy security.
6 Director of the Russian-Eurasian program and a senior researcher at the Carnegie Foundation for International Peace USA.
7 Director of the Europe and Eurasia section of the “Eurasia Group.”
8 Heads the “Russian section” of the National Intelligence Council.
The above text is an excerpt from Alexander Dugin’s Last War of the World-Island (Arktos, 2015). If you liked this selection, be sure to check out the whole book.
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